El Precio Que Pagamos — Latino Voter Program · Tiempo Company for Climate Power

01 — The objective

The right narrative, to voters you can reach.

El Precio Que Pagamos makes the affordability case, and routes it to climate accountability: we are paying too high a price for the leaders we have, and we feel it in food, gas, and rent. This program carries that narrative, in language, to Latino voters beyond the base, and first-time voters, in your priority states.

Who we move

Beyond the base: Latinos fed up with rising costs, including many who voted Trump in 2024 and are now open to change.
First-time voters: younger, closer to climate, more English-dominant. We segment creative by language register.
Not the base, not the choir. The target is built from priority-district geography, cost-of-living affinity, and first-time-voter age cuts.

The affordability-to-climate bridge

Your own polling holds the hook: a large majority of Latino voters say clean energy lowers costs, and blame oil and gas leadership for high energy prices.
So the message opens on lived cost pain and lands on accountability. That is what moves a voter who is not already with us, not just the base.

Priority states, in your orderArizona is priority #1 and the proof market. Then the toss-up and defense core: Colorado (CO-08) and New Mexico (NM-02). Pennsylvania (PA-07) is gated behind a paid test. California is an optional Central Valley scale lever, not core.

02 — Why this works

Political targeting is restricted for everyone. That is our advantage.

Since 2020 on Google and 2022 on Meta, election ads cannot use lookalikes, voter files, or fine demographic targeting. No agency can micro-target the Latino voter, ours included. When platform targeting stops being the edge, the edge moves to what cannot be bought in an auction. That is what we own.

01
Our own audience
The followers and engagers of El Tiempo Latino, Tiempo News, and El Planeta are usable as first-party custom audiences on Meta, even for political, and freely across our own media. A generic agency has no Latino audience of its own to bring.
02
Message intelligence
The restriction is on who you can target, never on what you say. Our Narrative Observatory reads which climate and affordability narratives move the Latino conversation, and which frames carry disinformation. That lever is unrestricted, and it is the biggest one.
03
A trusted environment
We place the message inside credible Latino media, ours, in brand-safe editorial context. A generic agency buys the open auction. We are the environment.

03 — How we activate

What we can actually deliver, channel by channel.

For a campaign that has to reach specific voters in specific places, the paid platforms are the engine. Meta is the primary vehicle, the one place we can reach voters beyond the base by what they have actually done. Google and YouTube extend it by geography and context. Our own media complements; it does not carry the geographic targeting.

Channel	What we deliver
Primary vehicle Meta reached by behavior	Where this program primarily runs, because it is the one place we reach voters beyond the base by what they have actually done. Three ways, all legal in political: our first-party audiences, the people who engaged with Tiempo's channels in the past year; issue audiences built from who watched our content on a theme, so people who watched our reporting on rising energy costs are reachable as a cost-of-living audience; and our Latino targeting and geography to place it in your markets. No lookalikes, no voter file, no ZIP narrowing, by platform rule.
More closed Google / YouTube	Geography at high-density-Latino ZIP level, age, gender, and contextual placement in Spanish-language and Latino content. Video and display that sit inside trusted content, never audience targeting.
Complementary Owned media web · newsletter · social	Platform targeting rules do not apply on our own inventory: sponsored content, editorial context, and our own audience knowledge. This reaches the loyal audience we already have, national and strongest in DC and Boston, so it builds trust and credibility. It complements the paid push; it is not the geo-targeting engine for your specific districts.
Across all Intelligence & creative	Narrative Observatory intelligence (which themes, positions, and frames move the conversation) and Espacio creative that is culturally fluent, not translated. Transparent measurement: a 90-day window, full reporting, no performance guarantees.

How we reach beyond the base, and grow itThe platform will not let anyone target "worried about energy prices" or "voted Trump, now unsure." Those are banned as political interests, for every agency. So we build that audience from behavior. We already hold first-party audiences of people who engaged with our affordability and energy reporting; we grow them by publishing more of the El Precio Que Pagamos frame and turning everyone who engages into an audience we can run against, legally. The people who lean into the cost-of-living message are the voters beyond the base, and only the outlet they engaged with can assemble them.

Creative method: prebunk, do not amplifyEspacio builds from the Observatory, not a translated brief. We lead with the true affordability-and-climate frame, name the manipulation technique, and never restate the false claim. That inoculates against a narrative without spreading it.

04 — The reachable universe

Public data sizes the room. We know how to reach it.

The census sizes the Latino electorate in each target; the section above is how we reach the slice beyond the base inside it. Arizona is a full statewide electorate; your House targets are district scale, so we size and fund them at district scale, not statewide. The media scales with the market.

Target	Latino eligible voters	Indicative media, per flight
ArizonaPriority #1 · statewide · Spanish-dominant	~1.3M	$22–30K
CaliforniaCA-13/22 · Central Valley	~330K district scale, est.	$12–18K
New MexicoNM-02 · El Paso DMA · bilingual	~210K district scale, est.	$7–11K
ColoradoCO-08 · Denver metro	~140K district scale, est.	$5–8K
PennsylvaniaPA-07 · Lehigh Valley · test first	~85K district scale, est.	$4–6K

What carries the reach, and what's already oursThe reach in your states does not ride on our follower count: it comes from geography, language, and the interest stack on Meta, which work regardless of who already follows us. Our ~250K first-party engaged Latinos are the seed and the precision layer, the issue audiences no one else can build, modest in any single district by design (we are a national and DC/Boston newsroom) and grown in-market by publishing the affordability frame and harvesting who engages. Arizona is where we prove that grow-in-market mechanism first.

Honest on the numbersArizona is a statewide play, so its electorate is statewide; the House targets are single districts, so we fund at district scale, not statewide. District counts are eligible-voter estimates, sized precisely at buildout. Indicative media is the spend to reach the slice beyond the base at campaign frequency, with a floor in the smallest districts; creative and measurement sit on top, in the investment section. Arizona and California are backed by our prior in-market delivery; Pennsylvania we validate with a test wave first.

05 — Measurement

Proof we reached beyond the base, not applause.

The problem you raised on the call: how do you show you reached voters who were not already with you, and tell that story to funders after the election. Impressions are not the answer. Here is what we report, honestly.

01
Reach against a named universe
Unique reachable voters reached per state versus the universe denominator, cost-per-reached-voter, realized frequency, and the share of reach inside target geography versus our own follower base.
02
Message penetration and sentiment
A short Meta-served survey wave to the reachable universe, plus Narrative Observatory tracking, measures shift in affordability-and-climate message penetration before, during, and after the flight.
03
A directional lift read
Where volume supports it (Arizona first), a matched-market or audience holdout gives a directional lift read, reported with its confidence interval. We report contribution evidence, never a sole-causation headline.

What we promise, and what we do notWe do not guarantee a point of lift. No honest partner can. We guarantee reach against the defined universe, a 90-day optimization window, full transparency on what ran and what it cost, and an honest read of what moved. The performance risk stays with the campaign, the effort and the transparency are on us.

06 — The intelligence backbone

The campaign is sharper with the Observatory.

This program runs on its own. It runs better paired with the Spanish-Language Climate Disinformation Observatory, the companion study. The Observatory tells us which narratives are circulating and which frames carry the disinformation, so the creative prebunks the right lie and the measurement has a baseline to move against. The same intelligence that sharpens the campaign is what Climate Power can hold as a citable, funder-facing asset.

One honest caveatThe Observatory is know-how, not a targeting pipe. We do not retarget a person because of what they commented. The intelligence makes the message, the creative, and the channel decisions sharper. It does not, and legally cannot, micro-target an individual voter.

07 — Investment

Start with the proof market. Scale on the read.

Three tiers, each itemized by category so you see what becomes reached voters. Indicative, scope-dependent.

Tier 1 · proof

Arizona

~$35K

AZ only · the proof market

Full-universe in-language flight at ~3× frequency.
Espacio creative, Observatory-informed.
Reach + message-penetration read; directional lift where volume supports.

Tier 2 · core

Toss-up core

~$75K

AZ + CO-08 + NM-02

Three-state flights, bilingual where Spanish-dominance is lower.
Survey wave per state; matched-market read where it powers.
Narrative tracking across the flight window.

Tier 3 · full

Full program

~$150K+

Core + PA-07 (test-gated) + CA Central Valley optional

Phased: AZ lead, core, then PA/CA closing pushes.
Full measurement stack, all reported with confidence intervals.
Public, funder-facing report.

Where the investment goes

Each tier is the per-flight media from section 04 plus the work that makes it land: strategy, intelligence, and measurement. Arizona alone runs $22–30K in media, so Tier 1 adds that work to land near $35K. The mix tilts to media as the program scales.

Media 63%

Strategy 13%

Intelligence 12%

Measurement 12%

Media: paid delivery across Meta, Google/YouTube, and owned media

Strategy & creative: the message architecture and Espacio in-language production, built on the prebunk method

Intelligence: the narrative and audience read that decides what to say, and to whom

Measurement: survey waves, the holdout read, and reporting

08 — The ask

Start in Arizona.

Commit to the Arizona proof flight now, the one state backed by our delivery record, paired with the Observatory baseline as the before-picture. You get a working, in-language program and an honest read in your #1 state before the summer flight. From there you scale on what you have seen, not on a promise.

Three things to greenlight(1) The Arizona start, paired with the Observatory baseline. (2) Your priority disinformation and affordability messages from the poll. (3) A 45-minute scoping call to lock the creative, the channel mix, and the measurement design. Signed SOW with Espacio contracting, editorial walled, and delivery within two weeks of go.